The Swedish general election of 13 September 2026
Sweden elects 349 members of the Riksdag on 13 September. In the June readings the opposition led by 9.6 points at Novus and 9.4 at Verian, but the seats turn just as much on the four percent threshold: the Liberals have polled below it in every Novus reading published in 2026.

On 13 September 2026 Sweden elects the 349 members of the Riksdag for the 2026 to 2030 term. The 21 regional and 290 municipal assemblies are chosen the same day. Seats go in proportion to votes, and eight parties currently hold them. Swedes who have emigrated vote in the Riksdag election only, and they could start posting ballots from abroad on 30 July.
Kristersson is prime minister in a government of Moderates, Christian Democrats and Liberals kept in office by the Sweden Democrats from outside. A party needs four percent of the national vote to win seats, or twelve percent in one constituency. That rule is why seats can move further than votes. The Liberals cleared it in 2022 with 4.61 percent. The same year the Tidö parties took 176 seats against 173, on a margin Henrik Ekengren Oscarsson puts at about 46,000 votes. Neither side has room to lose a party.
No single poll is the state of the race, and the institutes differ. Statistics Sweden asked 4,542 people between 28 April and 28 May 2026 and put the Liberals at 2.5 percent. By Mats Knutson's account that survey left 12 points between the blocs. Novus, fieldwork 1 to 14 June, gave the opposition a lead of 9.6 points over the government side. Verian, polling for SVT, put the same gap at 9.4 in June. Each figure belongs to its institute, its period and its margin of error.
Andersson runs on three promises, a safer, richer and more cohesive Sweden, and attacks the government over unemployment, bankruptcies and health waiting times. Kristersson plays down the lead and argues that support for the right grows once voters see what the two sides stand for on tax, crime and migration. Mats Knutson puts undecided voters at 15 to 20 percent in early summer. The tone has become an issue since Richard Jomshof called Andersson a quisling. SVT's leader interviews run from 23 August, each in the leader's home town.
A change of government would not move the main line of foreign policy. The Moderates call support for Ukraine their first foreign-policy priority, and the Social Democrats also promise continued support and deeper NATO cooperation. The differences sit below that headline: development aid, the updated feminist foreign policy the Social Democrats want, and a law against nuclear weapons on Swedish soil. The Greens voted against NATO but respect the Riksdag's decision and do not pursue withdrawal. The Left Party opposed membership and wants security policy decided in Sweden.
”You simply do not say that. You can have a tough political debate and discussion, even about difficult things. But you have to be able to separate the issue from the person, and frankly that goes for both Jomshof and Aftonbladet.”
The numbers
What the comparison shows
Where they agree
Every side agrees on the starting position: the opposition leads, the lead is large enough to show up at several institutes at once, and Kristersson has to close it to stay in office. Nor do any of the four parties' own pages we read demand withdrawal from NATO, and the Greens write plainly that they voted no but do not pursue the question.
Where they split
The disagreement is about what the lead is worth. Kristersson says support for the right grows once the election becomes a real choice between two alternatives; Knutson says the campaign may already be decided; Sjöström moves the question to the threshold and the survival of the Liberals. A separate argument runs over the overseas vote: Svenskar i världen and several parties treat the group as worth campaigning for, while Oscarsson counts it small against the first-time voters.
What nobody is saying
Neither candidate for prime minister says who would actually sit in the government. Andersson avoids talking about the Left Party and the Greens as partners, and Kristersson does not say how far Sweden Democrat influence would reach in a new term. Foreign policy is also discussed as though nothing were at stake, even though the parties' own pages differ on development aid, on the feminist foreign policy and on whether to legislate against nuclear weapons on Swedish soil.
Who says what
Andersson ties her campaign to a world she calls more dangerous and unpredictable than it has been in a long time, and gathers her policy into three promises. Safer: stronger military and civil defence, more police on the street, tougher sentences and a Swedish mafia law. Richer: higher child benefit, an end to the first unpaid day of sick leave, better pensions, cheaper medicines and a stop to profit extraction from free schools. More cohesive: everyone learning Swedish, and broad cross-party settlements on questions that need to last. She avoids talking about the Left Party and the Greens as partners.
Kristersson plays down the opposition's lead and argues that support for the right will grow once voters see what the two alternatives stand for on tax, crime and migration. At the same time he has to keep his distance from the party that keeps him in office: he called Richard Jomshof's quisling accusations distasteful and indecent in an interview with Aftonbladet, and aimed criticism in both directions.
”Så säger man bara inte. Man kan ha en tuff politisk debatt och diskussion även om svåra saker. Men man måste kunna skilja på sak och person, det gäller ärligt talat både Jomshof och Aftonbladet.”You simply do not say that. You can have a tough political debate and discussion, even about difficult things. But you have to be able to separate the issue from the person, and frankly that goes for both Jomshof and Aftonbladet.
Jomshof called Aftonbladet's political editor Anders Lindberg a quisling on X, hours after Lindberg posted a video saying Jomshof could become justice minister in a Moderate-led government with Sweden Democrat ministers. He defends the word by pointing out that Lindberg himself has likened the prime minister to von Papen. Shortly afterwards he called Magdalena Andersson a quisling too. Lindberg replied that opinion journalism is not treason. Kristersson, Ebba Busch and Simona Mohamsson all criticised the tone, in Busch's and Mohamsson's case aiming at Lindberg as well as Jomshof, while the Sweden Democrats' press office said Jomshof is clear in his posts.
”De kryper ju alla för islamisterna, vars mål är att ta vår demokrati och vårt land ifrån oss”They all crawl for the islamists, whose goal is to take our democracy and our country away from us
Knutson reads the position as asymmetric. Kristersson needs a game changer, an event or announcement that turns opinion quickly, while Andersson gains most by taking no risks. He also notes that the Tidö parties' budget spending has so far produced no result, and that they are pinning their hopes on the 15 to 20 percent of the electorate who were undecided in early-summer polling.
”En valrörelse som redan kan vara avgjord om inte Tidöpartierna presterar en historisk upphämtning under de 41 dagar som återstår till valdagen.”A campaign that may already be decided unless the Tidö parties pull off a historic recovery in the 41 days left until election day.
Sjöström puts the decision in the threshold rather than in the gap between blocs. In the July reading the Liberals were at their lowest level in Novus's history, that is since 2006, and the party picking up most of their voters is the Centre Party, which sits on the other side of the bloc line. He also argues that the old tactical-vote logic from the Alliance years is gone, so the small parties have to show they are needed in their own right.
”Men oppositionspartierna har ett klart övertag över en framtida Tidöregering, särskilt om man räknar in ett L som ligger extremt lågt, 2,6 procentenheter under 4-procentsspärren.”But the opposition parties have a clear advantage over a future Tidö government, especially once you count in a Liberal party that is extremely low, 2.6 points below the four percent threshold.
Oscarsson cuts against the idea that overseas votes decide elections. He expects 70,000 to 80,000 votes from abroad and points out that there are more than 400,000 first-time voters, many times as many. Overseas ballots also land in the same late pile as late-arriving early votes from within Sweden, and can shift seats after election night. Only in an extremely close result could anyone say they tipped it, and it is usually not that close. He describes the group as very mixed, from tax exiles to students.
Our coverage
- Swedish inflation falls to 0.7 percent, but tax cuts are carrying the declineFriday, 7 August 2026
- Sweden's election campaign starts in earnest as both prime ministerial candidates take to the roadMonday, 3 August 2026
- Sweden Democrat Richard Jomshof likens Aftonbladet's political editor to QuislingMonday, 3 August 2026
- Andersson and Kristersson launch their election tours with 41 days to goSunday, 2 August 2026
- Voting from abroad has opened for the Swedish election, but its weight is disputedSaturday, 1 August 2026
- Swedes abroad are the first to vote in the parliamentary electionThursday, 30 July 2026