Turkey's rule of law: jailed mayors and institutions under trustees
When a Turkish mayor is jailed for corruption, the interior minister suspends them and their own council elects a stand-in. Appointing a trustee is the terrorism route, not the corruption one. The suspension runs to final judgment, and in the Istanbul case the court has given itself up to twelve and a half years.

Since the 2024 local elections, prosecutors have opened corruption investigations into one opposition-run Turkish municipality after another. The core case is Istanbul, where mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu has been in custody since 23 March 2025 and a 3,800-page indictment naming 402 defendants went to trial on 9 March 2026. Then came the districts. Sinem Dedetaş, mayor of Üsküdar, was detained on 29 July 2026. Erdal Beşikçioğlu, mayor of Etimesgut in Ankara, was remanded on the morning of 3 August. İlkay Çiçek, mayor of Menderes in İzmir, was detained soon after.
Article 47 of Municipal Law 5393 lets the interior minister suspend a mayor under investigation for an offence connected to the office. The ministry called each suspension a temporary measure. The article does not use that word. It sets one outer limit, final judgment, and requires review every two months. In the Istanbul case the court's target-duration form aims at 4,600 days, about twelve and a half years. On that timetable an elected mayor can be out of office for more than a decade with nothing decided.
Article 45 decides who takes over. The council elects an acting mayor from among its own members by secret ballot, and if it has not done so within fifteen days the rules on dissolving the council apply. Üsküdar's councillors chose the CHP's Sibel Tan Çetinkaya on 5 August, by 22 votes to 18 in the fourth round, and the AKP reported the vote to prosecutors. Etimesgut's chose the CHP's Seda Dilber on 10 August. Both districts stayed with the party that won them in 2024.
A paragraph added by decree-law in 2016 removes the vote where the offence is terrorism. The interior minister then appoints the stand-in in metropolitan and provincial municipalities, the governor elsewhere. Batman went that way. Gülistan Sönük was suspended in November 2024 over a six-year sentence for membership of an armed terrorist organisation, and Batman's governor took her chair with no council vote. The Venice Commission calls it particularly worrying that emergency legislation lets central authorities appoint unelected mayors and exercise discretionary control over those municipalities without judicial control.
In late July 2026 Istanbul's 8th Criminal Judgeship of Peace handed management of the earthquake charity AHBAP's assets to three trustees and recorded that dissolution proceedings had begun. That is a criminal court acting on an association, not the interior ministry acting on a municipality. A separate decision placed the charity's economic enterprise and twelve companies under the state savings deposit insurance fund, the TMSF. Its founder, the singer Haluk Levent, was remanded on 16 July. Beginning dissolution is not closure.
”Although the indictments of many detainees are ready, no indictment has yet been drawn up against the 5 mayors who have been in custody for 9.5 months.”
The numbers
What the comparison shows
Where they agree
Everyone quoted here accepts the same sequence of events. A mayor is detained, the interior ministry suspends them, and within days a council or a governor fills the chair. Erdoğan, Kaboğlu, Özdemir and Sönük argue over why it happens and who gains by it, not over whether it happens.
Where they split
Erdoğan and Haluk Levent are describing the same investigation, two weeks apart. The president says the AHBAP documents show what was done to the state after the earthquakes. Levent, who founded the charity, admits pledging its cheques and promissory notes as collateral and calls that irregularity rather than corruption. In the municipal cases the argument is a different one, about what came first, the evidence or the arrest. Kaboğlu said in March 2026 that five mayors had been held nine and a half months with no indictment drawn up, and concluded that the arrests follow party membership. His count does not cover the Istanbul file, whose indictment was accepted on 25 November 2025. Çiçek rejects the evidence itself. Özdemir attacks none of the prosecutions and goes after the Üsküdar ballot, and in Sönük's case there was no ballot at all.
What nobody is saying
The councils kept Üsküdar and Etimesgut, and the CHP still fell from 26 of Istanbul's 39 districts in March 2024 to 18 by early August 2026, against 19 for the AKP. Only two municipalities are under trustees. BBC News Türkçe puts the rest of the shift down to party changes, one of them Şile's acting mayor, who was elected by CHP councillors after their own mayor was jailed and who joined the AKP on 1 August. The same report does not say under which provision the two trustee municipalities fall, and we could not establish it, although that is the question that tests the whole split between the two routes. Nor could we find an authority or a party publishing a nationwide figure for detained municipal politicians.
Who says what
Erdoğan treats the AHBAP investigation as a matter of evidence coming to light rather than politics. He addressed it at the second Communication Council, saying that those who engaged in opportunism after the earthquakes are now answering to justice, wherever that leads.
”Çarpık ilişkiler tek tek ortaya çıkıyor. Ortaya dökülen bilgi ve belgeler 6 Şubat depremleri sürecinde devlete ve millete hangi operasyonların çekildiğini hepimize çok net biçimde gösteriyor.”The crooked relationships are coming out one by one. The information and documents that have been laid out show all of us very clearly what operations were run on the state and the nation during the 6 February earthquakes.
Kaboğlu inverts the order between evidence and detention. After visiting Silivri prison he pointed out that indictments are delayed for months for jailed mayors while people detained later already have theirs, and concluded that the arrests follow party membership rather than conduct. He describes it as a continuing mass manufacture of crime against those held.
”Birçok tutuklunun iddianamesi hazır olduğu halde, 9,5 aydır tutuklu bulunan 5 belediye başkanı hakkında iddianame henüz hazırlanmış değildir.”Although the indictments of many detainees are ready, no indictment has yet been drawn up against the 5 mayors who have been in custody for 9.5 months.
Levent neither rejects the allegations outright nor defends his own bookkeeping. In police questioning he admitted using the association's cheques and promissory notes as collateral and taking on heavy debt, but maintained that this is irregularity and not corruption. He also said the 4.3 billion lira raised after the earthquakes was accounted for in the interior ministry's association audits for 2023, 2024 and 2025, and argued that the timing of the operation was chosen deliberately.
”Ahbap çeklerini ve senetlerini kimi yerlerde teminat olarak kullandım. Yüksek miktarda borçlandım. Bunun adına usulsüzlük diyebilirsiniz ama yolsuzluk diyemezsiniz.”I used Ahbap's cheques and promissory notes as collateral in some places. I took on debt in large amounts. You can call this irregularity, but you cannot call it corruption.
Çiçek disputes not merely the motive but the evidence itself. In police questioning he said the WhatsApp exchanges circulated on social media are entirely fabricated and produced with artificial intelligence. His lawyer had made a criminal complaint about them to prosecutors on 12 June 2026, nearly two months before his detention. He also said he had never witnessed any act of bribery in the municipality.
”Ben sosyal medyaya yansıyan yazışmaları yapmadım. Bu yazışmalar tamamen kurmaca, yapay zekâ ile üretilmiş yazışmalardır.”I did not have the exchanges that appeared on social media. Those exchanges are entirely fabricated, produced with artificial intelligence.
Özdemir attacks not the prosecutions but the vote that followed them. After the CHP's candidate won the acting mayoralty of Üsküdar in the fourth round, he called the proceedings a seizure of will and said the party would challenge the result in court. He criticised the adjournment before the final round and the presence of Yeni Parti's Istanbul provincial chair, Özgür Çelik, in the chamber. The AKP's objection therefore runs against two opposition parties at once.
”bu baskı, tehdit ve şantajların karşılığında bazı meclis üyelerini sindirdiklerini gördük”We saw that this pressure, these threats and this blackmail cowed some council members
The interior ministry suspended Sönük in November 2024, in the same words about a temporary measure later used of Dedetaş and Beşikçioğlu. The stated grounds were a six-year sentence for membership of an armed terrorist organisation and a continuing investigation on the same charge, and the Batman governor was appointed in her place with no council vote. She calls it a seizure and says municipalities belong to the people.
”31 Mart seçimlerinde Türkiye geneli en yüksek oy oranıyla kadınların gençlerin ve halkımızın emeği ile aldığımız belediyemiz bize hiçbir tebligat yapılmadan bu sabah itibarıyla gasp edilmiştir.”Our municipality, which we won in the 31 March elections with the highest share of the vote in all of Türkiye through the labour of women, of the young and of our people, has as of this morning been seized from us without any notification being served on us.
Our coverage
- Turkish Medical Association warns İmamoğlu trial's marathon hearings may amount to tortureTuesday, 8 September 2026
- New detentions hit Istanbul Municipality in widening corruption probeFriday, 4 September 2026
- Türkiye's justice minister unveils 'Century of Justice' reform pushThursday, 3 September 2026
- Former interior minister investigated over alleged links to Kuriş networkThursday, 3 September 2026
- Türkiye remands 81 pending trial in crackdown on Süleymanlılar group, summons ex-interior ministerMonday, 31 August 2026
- 81 remanded in custody in probe of religious community, ex-interior minister summoned for questioningSunday, 30 August 2026
- Kavala still in prison, urges Türkiye to obey new release orderFriday, 28 August 2026
- Erdoğan adviser says Türkiye being pushed to reconsider status in Europe's human rights systemThursday, 27 August 2026
- European court orders Türkiye to free Osman Kavala, voids convictionWednesday, 26 August 2026
- Jailed Istanbul mayor Imamoglu disputes court's account of his defenseWednesday, 19 August 2026
- The leader of the Süleymancılar movement jailed pending trial in a money laundering caseTuesday, 18 August 2026
- The parliament speaker calls a new constitution a political obligationThursday, 13 August 2026
- The Constitutional Court upholds the rule moving a married woman's record to her husband's registryTuesday, 11 August 2026
- New child protection law raises sentences for 15 to 18 year oldsMonday, 10 August 2026
- Fifteen detained in the Kuşadası corruption probe, with a New Party MP's daughter among those soughtSaturday, 8 August 2026
- Constitutional Court found 76 free expression violations in the first half of 2026Saturday, 8 August 2026
- Court-appointed CHP leadership names new provincial chairs in eight provincesFriday, 7 August 2026
- CHP mayor of İzmir's Menderes district detained as opposition crackdown widensThursday, 6 August 2026
- Actor-turned-CHP mayor Erdal Beşikçioğlu jailed as municipal crackdown reaches Ankara's districtsWednesday, 5 August 2026
- CHP mayor of Ankara's Etimesgut district remanded in custody over corruptionMonday, 3 August 2026
- Istanbul court jails the mayor of Üsküdar in a corruption investigationSaturday, 1 August 2026
- Another opposition district mayor detained in Istanbul as the municipal investigations widenWednesday, 29 July 2026
- Court places disaster charity AHBAP under state control and begins winding it upTuesday, 28 July 2026