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God Morgon

Tunisia · Europe · Geopolitics: the daily brief
Background

Turkey's rule of law: jailed mayors and institutions under trustees

In Turkey's municipal corruption cases the jailed mayor is suspended, and the seat stays with their own council rather than passing to a state trustee; the automatic trustee route belongs to terrorism charges, and Istanbul's districts have changed hands through council votes and defections instead.

Turkey's rule of law: jailed mayors and institutions under trustees

Since the 2024 local elections, prosecutors have opened corruption investigations into one opposition-run Turkish municipality after another. The anchor case is Istanbul, where mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu was jailed and suspended from office and a 3,800-page indictment naming 402 defendants went to trial in March 2026. Then came the districts: Üsküdar, Etimesgut in Ankara, Menderes in İzmir. The charges are bribery, extortion by a public official, rigging tenders and running a criminal organisation. Erdal Beşikçioğlu rejected all the charges in police questioning. İlkay Çiçek denied the exchanges attributed to him.

What happens to the municipality is decided by Municipal Law 5393 of 2005. Article 47 lets the interior minister suspend a mayor under investigation for an offence connected to the office, and the suspension runs until final judgment. In the Üsküdar and Etimesgut cases the ministry announced the suspension as a temporary measure, and the article requires the decision to be reviewed every two months. Suspension is not removal from office, and it is not the appointment of a trustee. Those are separate steps under separate provisions.

Article 45 decides who takes over. The council then elects an acting mayor from its own members by secret ballot: two thirds of the full membership in the first two rounds, a plurality by the fourth. A paragraph added by decree-law in 2016 carves out one case. Where the offence is terrorism or aiding a terrorist organisation, the minister or governor appoints and no vote is held. Article 46 lets them appoint only where no election can be held. Read together, the articles leave a corruption case with the council.

The seats have mostly stayed with the councils, and changed hands anyway. In Istanbul the CHP won 26 of the 39 districts in March 2024 and the AKP 13. By early August 2026 the CHP ran 18 and the AKP 19, with two districts under trustees. Those are BBC News Türkçe's figures. The shift came from council votes and from mayors crossing to the governing party. The opposition had also split, Özgür Özel founding Yeni Parti in July 2026, but the council groups stayed CHP.

Associations fall under a different regime. In late July 2026 Istanbul's 8th Criminal Judgeship of Peace transferred management of the earthquake charity AHBAP's assets to three trustees and recorded that dissolution proceedings had begun. By a separate decision it placed the charity's economic enterprise and twelve companies under the state savings deposit insurance fund, the TMSF. Its founder, the singer Haluk Levent, was detained in the same investigation and questioned by police in July. Beginning dissolution is not closure, and none of these corruption cases has reached a verdict.

”Our municipality, which we won in the 31 March elections with the highest share of the vote in all of Türkiye through the labour of women, of the young and of our people, has as of this morning been seized from us without any notification being served on us.”
Gülistan SönükFormer mayor of Batman for the DEM Party, suspended and replaced by a trustee in November 2024

The numbers

Municipal Law 5393, article 47: suspension
Municipal organs or their members, against whom an investigation or prosecution has been opened for an offence connected to their duties, may be suspended from office by the interior minister until final judgment. The decision is reviewed every two months and lifted where there is no longer a public interest in maintaining it. The article does not use the word temporary; it fixes the outer limit as final judgment and requires review every two months.
Municipal Law 5393, articles 45 and 46: who takes over
If the mayor is suspended or jailed, the council elects an acting mayor from among its own members by secret ballot: two thirds of the full membership in the first two rounds, an absolute majority of the full membership in the third, and in a fourth round between the two leading candidates whoever takes the most votes. A paragraph introduced by decree-law 674 of 15 August 2016 and adopted as law 6758 provides instead that the authorities named in article 46, the interior minister or the governor, make the appointment where the suspension or arrest concerns terrorism or aiding and harbouring terrorist organisations. If the election is not completed within fifteen days at the latest, the provisions on dissolving the council apply. Article 46 covers the case where the post is vacant and no election of a mayor or acting mayor can be held: the interior minister appoints in metropolitan and provincial municipalities, the governor elsewhere.
Istanbul's districts: before and after
In the local elections of 31 March 2024 the CHP won 26 of Istanbul's 39 district municipalities and the AKP 13. After the recent party changes the CHP ran 18 and the AKP 19, while trustees had been appointed in two municipalities. The figures are BBC News Türkçe's, in a report published on 1 August 2026 and updated on 3 August.
The Istanbul case: scale and the court's target duration
The 3,800-page indictment, drawn up by the Istanbul chief public prosecutor's office, was accepted by the court on 25 November 2025 and the trial opened on 9 March 2026 before Istanbul's 40th Heavy Penal Court. 402 people are on trial, of whom 105 are in custody, 170 under judicial control and 7 sought under arrest warrant. For Ekrem İmamoğlu, accused of leading a criminal organisation, up to 2,430 years in prison is sought. The court's target-duration form targets completion within 4,600 days at most, about twelve and a half years, and notes the period may lengthen for reasons attributable to the parties. DW reports that a large part of the evidence rests on suspect statements and on statements by people granted leniency under the Turkish effective-remorse rule, that 25 of those named as leaders or members of the organisation were granted it, and that the criminal-organisation account is built on 15 code-named secret witnesses.
AHBAP: two separate trustee structures
Istanbul's 8th Criminal Judgeship of Peace granted the prosecutor's request and transferred management of all the association's assets to three trustees: the lawyers Rıdvan Can and Mustafa Göktuğ Kaya and Professor Ahmet Kasım Han. By a separate decision the TMSF was appointed trustee over thirteen entities, the association's economic enterprise and twelve companies, among them Ahbap Lojistik and Globus Savunma Sanayi. The decision recorded that the association's activities had ended, that measures had been placed on its assets and accounts, and that dissolution proceedings had begun.
Etimesgut: the charges, as stated by the interior ministry
The interior ministry said the investigation is being conducted for forming an organisation for the purpose of committing crime and membership of it, embezzlement, bribery, extortion by a public official, rigging a tender, improper interference with the performance of a contract, and abuse of office. Of the 55 people detained on 30 July 2026 the prosecution sought the remand of 44, and 40 people including mayor Erdal Beşikçioğlu were remanded on the morning of 3 August. The ministry announced his suspension as a temporary measure. He rejected all the charges in police questioning, saying he had no authority over the municipality's tenders and that some of the irregularities in reports by the Turkish audit authority, the Sayıştay, had emerged from an internal audit he had himself ordered.
Üsküdar: the charges and the vote on the successor
The investigation is run by the Istanbul Anatolian chief public prosecutor's office over irregularities in building and occupancy permit processes, and for bribery, extortion by a public official and forming an organisation for the purpose of committing crime. Mayor Sinem Dedetaş was detained on 29 July 2026 and remanded in custody, and on 1 August the ministry announced that she had been suspended as a temporary measure. On 5 August the CHP's candidate Sibel Tan Çetinkaya was elected acting mayor in the fourth round by 22 votes to 18. The AKP contested the result.
The opposition that holds the municipalities has split
Özgür Özel presented Yeni Parti in Ankara on 24 July 2026. Following its formation and the defection of 91 lawmakers, the CHP has 44 seats left, while the AKP is the largest party with 277 of the 600 seats in parliament. The figures are Al Jazeera's, published on 28 July 2026. The mayors discussed here were elected for the CHP in 2024 and their council groups remain the CHP's.

What the comparison shows

Where they agree

None of the voices here disputes the mechanics. The interior ministry suspends under article 47, announces it as a temporary measure, and in the corruption cases the council then elects a successor from among its own members. None of the corruption cases has reached a verdict either: what exists is detentions, remand decisions and, in the Istanbul case, an indictment being tried. Nobody quoted here claims that any of the mayors in these cases has been convicted.

Where they split

They differ on what the procedure actually is. Erdoğan says the documents speak and that they settle the matter. Kaboğlu inverts the order, arguing that detention comes first and evidence afterwards, and offers the missing indictments against five jailed mayors as his proof. Çiçek goes further still, saying the evidence against him is fabricated with artificial intelligence, a complaint his lawyer lodged before he was detained. Levent sits between all three: he admits irregularity inside his own association while denying corruption, which fits neither the government's account nor the account of a wholly invented affair. Özdemir attacks something else entirely, the council vote that returned the seat to the CHP. And Sönük is a reminder that where the offence charged is terrorism, no vote is held at all.

What nobody is saying

In the corruption cases the trustee, the kayyum, is not the mechanism at work. Üsküdar and Etimesgut stayed with their councils, and it was the councils that elected the replacements. Istanbul changed hands anyway, from 26 against 13 for the CHP in March 2024 to 18 against 19 in early August 2026, with only two municipalities under trustees. The rest happened through council votes and through mayors crossing to the governing party while their colleagues sat in custody. Not one of the six voices here, the opposition included, says anything about the mayors who crossed. Nor is there any published consolidated register of how many elected municipal politicians have been detained since 2024: we have stayed with the BBC's Istanbul figures because we could not find an authority or a party publishing a nationwide count.

Who says what

Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, President of Türkiye

Erdoğan treats the AHBAP investigation as a matter of evidence coming to light rather than politics. He addressed it at the second Communication Council, saying that those who engaged in opportunism after the earthquakes are now answering to justice, wherever that leads.

”Çarpık ilişkiler tek tek ortaya çıkıyor. Ortaya dökülen bilgi ve belgeler 6 Şubat depremleri sürecinde devlete ve millete hangi operasyonların çekildiğini hepimize çok net biçimde gösteriyor.”The crooked relationships are coming out one by one. The information and documents that have been laid out show all of us very clearly what operations were run on the state and the nation during the 6 February earthquakes.
İbrahim Kaboğlu, President of the Istanbul Bar Association

Kaboğlu inverts the order between evidence and detention. After visiting Silivri prison he pointed out that indictments are delayed for months for jailed mayors while people detained later already have theirs, and concluded that the arrests follow political affiliation rather than conduct. He describes it as a continuing mass manufacture of crime against those held.

”Birçok tutuklunun iddianamesi hazır olduğu halde, 9,5 aydır tutuklu bulunan 5 belediye başkanı hakkında iddianame henüz hazırlanmış değildir.”Although the indictments of many detainees are ready, no indictment has yet been drawn up against the 5 mayors who have been in custody for 9.5 months.
Haluk Levent, Musician, founder and chair of AHBAP, remanded in custody on 16 July 2026

Levent neither rejects the allegations outright nor defends his own bookkeeping. In police questioning he admitted using the association's cheques and promissory notes as collateral and taking on heavy debt, but maintained that this is irregularity and not corruption. He also said the 4.3 billion lira raised after the earthquakes was accounted for in the interior ministry's association audits for 2023, 2024 and 2025, and argued that the timing of the operation was chosen deliberately.

”Ahbap çeklerini ve senetlerini kimi yerlerde teminat olarak kullandım. Yüksek miktarda borçlandım. Bunun adına usulsüzlük diyebilirsiniz ama yolsuzluk diyemezsiniz.”I used Ahbap's cheques and promissory notes as collateral in some places. I took on debt in large amounts. You can call this irregularity, but you cannot call it corruption.
İlkay Çiçek, Mayor of Menderes in İzmir, elected for the CHP, detained on 4 August 2026

Çiçek disputes not merely the motive but the evidence itself. In police questioning he said the WhatsApp exchanges circulated on social media are entirely fabricated and produced with artificial intelligence, and that his lawyer filed a criminal complaint about them with prosecutors on 12 June 2026, nearly two months before his detention. He also said he had never witnessed any act of bribery in the municipality.

”Ben sosyal medyaya yansıyan yazışmaları yapmadım. Bu yazışmalar tamamen kurmaca, yapay zekâ ile üretilmiş yazışmalardır.”I did not have the exchanges that appeared on social media. Those exchanges are entirely fabricated, produced with artificial intelligence.
Abdullah Özdemir, AKP provincial chair for Istanbul

Özdemir attacks not the prosecutions but the vote that followed them. After the CHP's candidate won the acting mayoralty of Üsküdar in the fourth round, he called the proceedings a seizure of will and said the party would challenge the result in court. He criticised the adjournment before the final round and the presence of Yeni Parti's Istanbul provincial chair, Özgür Çelik, in the chamber. His party colleague Vefa Yunus Taylan went further, accusing Çelik of occupying the CHP group room. The AKP's objection therefore runs across two opposition parties at once.

”Tehdit ve şantajların karşılığında bazı meclis üyelerini sindirdiklerini gördük”We saw that they cowed some council members through threats and blackmail
Gülistan Sönük, Former mayor of Batman for the DEM Party, suspended and replaced by a trustee in November 2024

Sönük shows what the other route looks like from inside it. She was suspended by the interior ministry in the same words about a temporary measure that were used later of Dedetaş and Beşikçioğlu, but the stated basis was membership of an armed terrorist organisation, and the Batman governor was appointed trustee in her place with no council vote. That is the route the 2016 paragraph provides. She calls it a seizure and says municipalities belong to the people.

”31 Mart seçimlerinde Türkiye geneli en yüksek oy oranıyla kadınların gençlerin ve halkımızın emeği ile aldığımız belediyemiz bize hiçbir tebligat yapılmadan bu sabah itibarıyla gasp edilmiştir.”Our municipality, which we won in the 31 March elections with the highest share of the vote in all of Türkiye through the labour of women, of the young and of our people, has as of this morning been seized from us without any notification being served on us.

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