Turkey's rule of law: jailed mayors and institutions under trustees
In Turkey's municipal corruption cases the jailed mayor is suspended, and the seat stays with their own council rather than passing to a state trustee; the automatic trustee route belongs to terrorism charges, and Istanbul's districts have changed hands through council votes and defections instead.

Since the 2024 local elections, prosecutors have opened corruption investigations into one opposition-run Turkish municipality after another. The anchor case is Istanbul, where mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu was jailed and suspended from office and a 3,800-page indictment naming 402 defendants went to trial in March 2026. Then came the districts: Üsküdar, Etimesgut in Ankara, Menderes in İzmir. The charges are bribery, extortion by a public official, rigging tenders and running a criminal organisation. Erdal Beşikçioğlu rejected all the charges in police questioning. İlkay Çiçek denied the exchanges attributed to him.
What happens to the municipality is decided by Municipal Law 5393 of 2005. Article 47 lets the interior minister suspend a mayor under investigation for an offence connected to the office, and the suspension runs until final judgment. In the Üsküdar and Etimesgut cases the ministry announced the suspension as a temporary measure, and the article requires the decision to be reviewed every two months. Suspension is not removal from office, and it is not the appointment of a trustee. Those are separate steps under separate provisions.
Article 45 decides who takes over. The council then elects an acting mayor from its own members by secret ballot: two thirds of the full membership in the first two rounds, a plurality by the fourth. A paragraph added by decree-law in 2016 carves out one case. Where the offence is terrorism or aiding a terrorist organisation, the minister or governor appoints and no vote is held. Article 46 lets them appoint only where no election can be held. Read together, the articles leave a corruption case with the council.
The seats have mostly stayed with the councils, and changed hands anyway. In Istanbul the CHP won 26 of the 39 districts in March 2024 and the AKP 13. By early August 2026 the CHP ran 18 and the AKP 19, with two districts under trustees. Those are BBC News Türkçe's figures. The shift came from council votes and from mayors crossing to the governing party. The opposition had also split, Özgür Özel founding Yeni Parti in July 2026, but the council groups stayed CHP.
Associations fall under a different regime. In late July 2026 Istanbul's 8th Criminal Judgeship of Peace transferred management of the earthquake charity AHBAP's assets to three trustees and recorded that dissolution proceedings had begun. By a separate decision it placed the charity's economic enterprise and twelve companies under the state savings deposit insurance fund, the TMSF. Its founder, the singer Haluk Levent, was detained in the same investigation and questioned by police in July. Beginning dissolution is not closure, and none of these corruption cases has reached a verdict.
”Our municipality, which we won in the 31 March elections with the highest share of the vote in all of Türkiye through the labour of women, of the young and of our people, has as of this morning been seized from us without any notification being served on us.”
The numbers
What the comparison shows
Where they agree
None of the voices here disputes the mechanics. The interior ministry suspends under article 47, announces it as a temporary measure, and in the corruption cases the council then elects a successor from among its own members. None of the corruption cases has reached a verdict either: what exists is detentions, remand decisions and, in the Istanbul case, an indictment being tried. Nobody quoted here claims that any of the mayors in these cases has been convicted.
Where they split
They differ on what the procedure actually is. Erdoğan says the documents speak and that they settle the matter. Kaboğlu inverts the order, arguing that detention comes first and evidence afterwards, and offers the missing indictments against five jailed mayors as his proof. Çiçek goes further still, saying the evidence against him is fabricated with artificial intelligence, a complaint his lawyer lodged before he was detained. Levent sits between all three: he admits irregularity inside his own association while denying corruption, which fits neither the government's account nor the account of a wholly invented affair. Özdemir attacks something else entirely, the council vote that returned the seat to the CHP. And Sönük is a reminder that where the offence charged is terrorism, no vote is held at all.
What nobody is saying
In the corruption cases the trustee, the kayyum, is not the mechanism at work. Üsküdar and Etimesgut stayed with their councils, and it was the councils that elected the replacements. Istanbul changed hands anyway, from 26 against 13 for the CHP in March 2024 to 18 against 19 in early August 2026, with only two municipalities under trustees. The rest happened through council votes and through mayors crossing to the governing party while their colleagues sat in custody. Not one of the six voices here, the opposition included, says anything about the mayors who crossed. Nor is there any published consolidated register of how many elected municipal politicians have been detained since 2024: we have stayed with the BBC's Istanbul figures because we could not find an authority or a party publishing a nationwide count.
Who says what
Erdoğan treats the AHBAP investigation as a matter of evidence coming to light rather than politics. He addressed it at the second Communication Council, saying that those who engaged in opportunism after the earthquakes are now answering to justice, wherever that leads.
”Çarpık ilişkiler tek tek ortaya çıkıyor. Ortaya dökülen bilgi ve belgeler 6 Şubat depremleri sürecinde devlete ve millete hangi operasyonların çekildiğini hepimize çok net biçimde gösteriyor.”The crooked relationships are coming out one by one. The information and documents that have been laid out show all of us very clearly what operations were run on the state and the nation during the 6 February earthquakes.
Kaboğlu inverts the order between evidence and detention. After visiting Silivri prison he pointed out that indictments are delayed for months for jailed mayors while people detained later already have theirs, and concluded that the arrests follow political affiliation rather than conduct. He describes it as a continuing mass manufacture of crime against those held.
”Birçok tutuklunun iddianamesi hazır olduğu halde, 9,5 aydır tutuklu bulunan 5 belediye başkanı hakkında iddianame henüz hazırlanmış değildir.”Although the indictments of many detainees are ready, no indictment has yet been drawn up against the 5 mayors who have been in custody for 9.5 months.
Levent neither rejects the allegations outright nor defends his own bookkeeping. In police questioning he admitted using the association's cheques and promissory notes as collateral and taking on heavy debt, but maintained that this is irregularity and not corruption. He also said the 4.3 billion lira raised after the earthquakes was accounted for in the interior ministry's association audits for 2023, 2024 and 2025, and argued that the timing of the operation was chosen deliberately.
”Ahbap çeklerini ve senetlerini kimi yerlerde teminat olarak kullandım. Yüksek miktarda borçlandım. Bunun adına usulsüzlük diyebilirsiniz ama yolsuzluk diyemezsiniz.”I used Ahbap's cheques and promissory notes as collateral in some places. I took on debt in large amounts. You can call this irregularity, but you cannot call it corruption.
Çiçek disputes not merely the motive but the evidence itself. In police questioning he said the WhatsApp exchanges circulated on social media are entirely fabricated and produced with artificial intelligence, and that his lawyer filed a criminal complaint about them with prosecutors on 12 June 2026, nearly two months before his detention. He also said he had never witnessed any act of bribery in the municipality.
”Ben sosyal medyaya yansıyan yazışmaları yapmadım. Bu yazışmalar tamamen kurmaca, yapay zekâ ile üretilmiş yazışmalardır.”I did not have the exchanges that appeared on social media. Those exchanges are entirely fabricated, produced with artificial intelligence.
Özdemir attacks not the prosecutions but the vote that followed them. After the CHP's candidate won the acting mayoralty of Üsküdar in the fourth round, he called the proceedings a seizure of will and said the party would challenge the result in court. He criticised the adjournment before the final round and the presence of Yeni Parti's Istanbul provincial chair, Özgür Çelik, in the chamber. His party colleague Vefa Yunus Taylan went further, accusing Çelik of occupying the CHP group room. The AKP's objection therefore runs across two opposition parties at once.
”Tehdit ve şantajların karşılığında bazı meclis üyelerini sindirdiklerini gördük”We saw that they cowed some council members through threats and blackmail
Sönük shows what the other route looks like from inside it. She was suspended by the interior ministry in the same words about a temporary measure that were used later of Dedetaş and Beşikçioğlu, but the stated basis was membership of an armed terrorist organisation, and the Batman governor was appointed trustee in her place with no council vote. That is the route the 2016 paragraph provides. She calls it a seizure and says municipalities belong to the people.
”31 Mart seçimlerinde Türkiye geneli en yüksek oy oranıyla kadınların gençlerin ve halkımızın emeği ile aldığımız belediyemiz bize hiçbir tebligat yapılmadan bu sabah itibarıyla gasp edilmiştir.”Our municipality, which we won in the 31 March elections with the highest share of the vote in all of Türkiye through the labour of women, of the young and of our people, has as of this morning been seized from us without any notification being served on us.
Our coverage
- Court-appointed CHP leadership names new provincial chairs in eight provincesFriday, 7 August 2026
- CHP mayor of İzmir's Menderes district detained as opposition crackdown widensThursday, 6 August 2026
- Actor-turned-CHP mayor Erdal Beşikçioğlu jailed as municipal crackdown reaches Ankara's districtsWednesday, 5 August 2026
- CHP mayor of Ankara's Etimesgut district remanded in custody over corruptionMonday, 3 August 2026
- Istanbul court jails the mayor of Üsküdar in a corruption investigationSaturday, 1 August 2026
- Another opposition district mayor detained in Istanbul as the municipal investigations widenWednesday, 29 July 2026
- Court places disaster charity AHBAP under state control and begins winding it upTuesday, 28 July 2026