··

God Morgon

Geopolitics · Europe · Sweden · Türkiye · the economy
Background

Sudan's war: the supply chain that keeps it going

The UN arms embargo on Sudan covers only Darfur, while a UN fact-finding mission says the weapons, drones and foreign fighters that keep the Rapid Support Forces going arrive through Chad, Libya and Somalia.

On 3 September 2026 a UN mission found a transnational network supplying Sudan's Rapid Support Forces with weapons, training and foreign fighters, and up to 2,000 Colombians recruited on contract. On 11 September the Security Council renewed the arms embargo unchanged: it covers Darfur only.
Sudan's war: the supply chain that keeps it going

Sudan's army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, or RSF, have been at war since 15 April 2023. The Associated Press reported in September 2026 that the fighting had killed at least 59,000 people and driven about 13 million from their homes. UNHCR counted more in April 2026, because it counted everyone who had fled at any point in the war: some 14 million, a quarter of the population. Of those, 9 million were still displaced inside Sudan and 4.4 million had crossed a border.

By 2026 both sides had drones that could strike far beyond the ground front lines. The UN human rights office documented more than 1,000 civilians killed in drone strikes between January and May 2026 alone. The UN fact-finding mission for Sudan recorded attacks on hospitals, schools, markets and displacement sites. In El-Obeid it says Rapid Support Forces drone attacks in June 2026 repeatedly hit the city's main electricity substation and its fuel stations, cutting the water supply and leaving hospitals short of generator fuel.

Those drones come from abroad. On 3 September 2026 the mission reported reasonable grounds to believe a transnational network supplied the Rapid Support Forces with weapons, logistics, training and foreign personnel. Private companies, intermediaries and recruiters working from Colombia, the United Arab Emirates and elsewhere moved people and cargo through Chad, southeastern Libya and Bosaso in Somalia. Its work on the army's suppliers is preliminary, but it already finds reasonable grounds to believe the army used foreign-supplied drones in attacks that struck civilian targets, including a market in Blue Nile.

Estimates of how many Colombians were recruited on contract ranged from 350 to 2,000, and the mission assessed the total may approach 2,000. It says they flew drones and served artillery alongside Rapid Support Forces units at Nyala and El-Fasher in Darfur. Fighters trained in Libya took part in the attacks on Zamzam camp in April 2025 and on El-Fasher in October 2025. The UN and African Union conventions on mercenaries bind only the states that joined them. Colombia told the mission it was moving to join the UN one.

The Security Council's arms embargo covers Darfur and nowhere else, a limit set by resolutions 1556 in 2004 and 1591 in 2005. The mission asked for it to cover the whole country. On 11 September 2026 the Council instead adopted resolution 2828, leaving the measures unchanged until 9 October 2026. The previous renewal, on 12 September 2025, ran a year. The United States drafted the short text and wants the month used to negotiate a wider embargo. Russia's delegate said Moscow would not allow even a hint of broadening.

”This external support has not brought greater protection for civilians. Instead, civilians are paying the price through attacks on homes, hospitals, schools, markets and places of refuge.”
Mohamad Chande OthmanChair, UN fact-finding mission for Sudan

The numbers

Killed and displaced since April 2023
59,000
At least 59,000 killed and about 13 million displaced, in an Associated Press report that Daily Sabah carried on 4 September 2026.
People forced to flee, on UNHCR's April 2026 count
About 14 million at some point in the war, a quarter of the population. Of those, 9 million were still displaced inside Sudan and 4.4 million were abroad, mainly in Chad, South Sudan and Egypt.
Civilians killed in drone strikes, January to May 2026
1,000
More than 1,000, documented by the UN human rights office and cited by the fact-finding mission.
Colombians recruited for the Rapid Support Forces
350 to 2,000
Estimates ranged from 350 to 2,000; the mission assessed the total may approach 2,000, with recruitment still going on.
Reach of the UN arms embargo
9 Oct
Darfur only, under resolutions 1556 of 2004 and 1591 of 2005. On 11 September 2026 the Council unanimously adopted resolution 2828, which leaves the measures unchanged until 9 October 2026.
What the Emirates asked for, the day after the vote
On 12 September 2026 the United Arab Emirates urged the Council to extend the arms embargo across all of Sudan and to all parties to the conflict, and to use the extra month to agree measures that respond to the war as it is.

What the comparison shows

Where they agree

That private companies and individuals, not states alone, moved the fighters and the weapons. The mission makes no finding of state responsibility against Colombia, and Colombia told the mission it opposes its nationals fighting as mercenaries abroad.

Where they split

Whether the United Arab Emirates is part of the network. The mission found that individuals and entities operating from, registered in or linked to the Emirates played a significant role in networks that recruited, financed, transported and deployed foreign fighters for the Rapid Support Forces. The Emirates told the mission it had stayed neutral, supplied no arms and found nothing in its own investigations. The day after the Council renewed the embargo, the Emirates publicly asked for the widening the mission had called for, and for more: an embargo binding every party to the war, the Sudanese army included.

What nobody is saying

Who exported the weapons. The mission names equipment that reached the Rapid Support Forces, including NORINCO AH-4 howitzers, FK-2000 air-defence systems and CH-95 drones, and says some of it matched equipment previously exported to the United Arab Emirates. It names no exporting state, and it recommends that the Emirates investigate the companies and individuals it identified.

Who says what

Mohamad Chande Othman, Chair, UN fact-finding mission for Sudan

Argues that protecting civilians now means acting against the individuals, companies and networks that keep the war supplied, not only against the two armies fighting it.

”This external support has not brought greater protection for civilians. Instead, civilians are paying the price through attacks on homes, hospitals, schools, markets and places of refuge.”This external support has not brought greater protection for civilians. Instead, civilians are paying the price through attacks on homes, hospitals, schools, markets and places of refuge.
Mona Rishmawi, Expert member, UN fact-finding mission for Sudan

Describes not one supplier but a chain of networks across several countries, delivering the foreign personnel, training, weapons and logistics together.

”This support fed into RSF operations in Zamzam camp and later during the takeover of El-Fasher, where the Mission documented grave human rights and international humanitarian law violations and international crimes, including conduct displaying hallmarks of genocide.”This support fed into RSF operations in Zamzam camp and later during the takeover of El-Fasher, where the Mission documented grave human rights and international humanitarian law violations and international crimes, including conduct displaying hallmarks of genocide.
Government of the United Arab Emirates, Responding state, in its written and oral answers to the mission

Told the mission it had stayed neutral throughout the war, had supplied no arms or ammunition, and had neither recruited nor financed foreign fighters nor helped any reach Sudan. Its own inquiries, it said, found no link between companies under its jurisdiction and mercenary work or the men reportedly deployed in Sudan, and it called the allegations part of a false media campaign led by the Sudanese authorities in Port Sudan.

Our coverage